Trump wants to bring Central Asia closer to Israel
Review
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05 August 6672 15 minutes
In recent weeks, foreign media outlets have published numerous reports about the "Abraham Accords." In mid-May of this year, during Donald Trump’s visit to the Middle East and his meeting with Syria’s interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in Saudi Arabia, it was reported that Trump had proposed al-Sharaa consider joining the Abraham Accords. Now, speculation is growing that Central Asian countries and Azerbaijan may also be invited to join the agreements—considered one of the greatest diplomatic achievements in Israeli history. In light of this, it is natural that questions about the true nature and significance of these accords are being raised once again.
Five years ago, near the end of his first presidential term, Donald Trump presented Israel with a parting gift. Since its founding, Israel has faced sustained tension and discontent in its relations with the Arab states of the Middle East. Diplomatic recognition by those countries had long seemed unlikely, if not impossible. But in 2020, Trump partially broke that impasse by launching the Abraham Accords—a framework to encourage Arab states to officially recognize Israel and establish high-level diplomatic relations with Tel Aviv. Trump was assisted in this effort by his son-in-law and senior advisor, Jared Kushner. Today, the push to revive and expand the Abraham Accords continues, with efforts aimed at improving relations between Israel and Arab nations in the region. Syria and Saudi Arabia now appear to be the next targets. However, with Saudi Arabia maintaining a firm stance on Gaza and Palestinian statehood—and with Syria having been the target of two Israeli airstrikes this year—the Trump team and the Israeli government are reportedly shifting their focus to other regions. Of particular interest is the growing attention toward the Turkic states. Despite having recognized Israel and established diplomatic ties many years ago, reports suggest that countries such as Azerbaijan and several Central Asian nations are being encouraged to formally join the Abraham Accords. This naturally raises the question: if these countries have already recognized Israel, what purpose would their participation in the accords serve? The answer lies in the broader scope of the Abraham Accords. While diplomatic recognition is central, the platform also promotes close cooperation in areas such as security, education, trade, technology, and other strategic sectors. In this sense, including countries outside the Middle East—even those that already maintain diplomatic ties with Israel—represents a symbolic and moral victory for both the Jewish state and the Trump administration. It reinforces the image of Israel's growing legitimacy and the enduring influence of Trump's Middle East policy. This article will further explore the content, goals, and geopolitical significance of the Abraham Accords.
Forced agreements
The emergence of Israel in the Middle East in 1948 plunged the region into a vortex of wars that continue to this day. Since then, there have been numerous violent clashes between the Arab monarchies and the Jewish state. The years 1948–49, 1956, 1967, 1973, and 1982 stand out among them. The roots of these conflicts lie in the establishment of Israel on Palestinian land, despite fierce opposition. Interestingly, during these wars, Arab states fought against Israel both in coalitions and individually, but consistently suffered defeats and heavy losses. Over time, with its extensive Western backing and particularly strong support from the United States, Israel became increasingly difficult to confront militarily. This eventually forced Arab states to begin recognizing Israel and establishing diplomatic ties. The path to recognition, however, was neither easy nor quick. With 22 Arab countries in the Middle East and North Africa, many of which had suffered in wars against Israel, the normalization process was expected to take decades. Yet the first significant step came not long after the 1973 Yom Kippur War.
That war inflicted deep losses on Egypt, which led to a shift in Cairo’s approach. Then-President Anwar Sadat realized that continued conflict with Israel would only weaken his country further. Egypt had lost far more than it had gained in previous wars. In a surprising move, Sadat decided to officially recognize Israel. In 1978, under the mediation of U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Egypt and Israel signed the Camp David Accords. These outlined a framework for limited Palestinian self-governance in the West Bank and Gaza Strip—territories already heavily fragmented under Israeli control—while maintaining Israeli jurisdiction over them.
The Camp David Accords also resolved bilateral issues between Egypt and Israel. Under the agreement, Israel pledged to withdraw its troops from the Sinai Peninsula, which it had occupied during the 1967 Six-Day War, within three years. In addition, the accords laid the groundwork for future trade and diplomatic cooperation. In 1979, based on the Camp David framework, the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty was signed in Washington, officially ending the war between the two countries. Israel completed its withdrawal from Sinai by 1982. Egypt thus became the first Arab country to formally recognize Israel.
Jordan followed as the second Arab state to establish relations with Israel. Sharing a border with the Israeli-occupied West Bank, Jordan had also experienced confrontations with the Jewish state. In 1994, Jordan and Israel signed a peace treaty, brokered by then-U.S. President Bill Clinton. The treaty included mutual recognition, respect for sovereignty, and the establishment of diplomatic relations. It also resolved key disputes over land and water. Jordan and Israel agreed on water usage rights from the Jordan and Yarmouk rivers, and pledged to cooperate in tourism and trade. Crucially, the agreement contained security clauses. Both countries committed to preventing their territory from being used by third parties to launch military attacks. This clause would later prove strategically valuable for Israel, such as when Jordan intercepted Iranian airstrikes en route to Israel. With this treaty, Jordan became the second Arab state to recognize Israel, reducing the number of Arab countries openly opposed to Tel Aviv to 20.
King Hussein's decision to sign the peace treaty with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was famously captured in a moment of informal camaraderie—reportedly over a cigarette. But in doing so, Amman stepped back from any serious opposition to Israel’s controversial actions in Palestinian territories, marking a turning point in the region’s diplomatic landscape.
“Abraham Accords” – Israel’s oxygen bag
In 2002, Saudi Arabia proposed normalizing relations with Israel in exchange for the recognition of Palestine during a session of the Arab League. By that time, the security interests of Israel and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf had already begun to converge, especially in response to the growing threat posed by Saddam Hussein. Previously, Iraq had been involved in wars with Iran and Kuwait over natural resources—conflicts that served as a serious wake-up call for Gulf nations whose stability depended heavily on those same resources. Even after Saddam’s regime was toppled in the early 2000s, the desire for closer ties with Israel remained strong. In 2003, the collapse of Iraq’s Baath regime left a power vacuum in Baghdad, which Iran—an enduring rival of the Arab monarchies—swiftly began to fill. Tehran increased its influence by supporting political parties and armed groups within Iraq, a shift that encouraged Arab countries to avoid further conflict with Israel. As a result, it is believed that Israel and several Arab states established covert relations during this period. The 2006 war between Hezbollah and Israel in Lebanon did not significantly affect these unofficial ties. Following the Arab Spring uprisings of 2010–2011, both Israel and Arab governments found common ground in their desire to counter the growing number of armed groups in the Middle East. This mutual need for stability and security paved the way for what would become the highly controversial “Abraham Accords.”
The "Abraham Accords" are a diplomatic framework for the normalization of relations with Israel, including mutual recognition and the establishment of high-level diplomatic ties. The agreement is named after the prophet Abraham, a figure revered by both Muslims and Jews as a shared ancestor. The accords were spearheaded by former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, presidential advisor Jared Kushner, and then-U.S. Ambassador to Israel David Friedman. The first countries to join were the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. Their recognition of Israel was announced in a joint statement issued by Israel, the U.S., and the UAE on August 13, 2020. The statement confirmed that Bahrain and the UAE had agreed to normalize relations with Israel. On September 15, 2020, a formal signing ceremony took place on the White House lawn. Mediated by then-President Donald Trump, the ceremony was attended by UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The UAE later opened its embassy in Israel in July 2021.
Did the Arabs trade Palestine for their own benefit?
In recent months, the United States has succeeded in persuading Morocco and Sudan to normalize relations with Israel. In a joint declaration adopted by Morocco, Israel, and the United States in December 2020, Morocco and Israel agreed to normalize relations. Thus, the number of countries joining the “Abraham Accords” increased to three within just a few months. Despite ultra-Israel advocate Donald Trump losing the 2020 U.S. presidential election to Joe Biden and leaving office shortly afterward, Sudan also joined the “Abraham Accords” in January 2021. In less than five months, the number of Arab countries that did not recognize Israel dropped by four. It came as a surprise to many that several Arab countries would recognize Israel simultaneously and that the circle of normalization would expand so quickly. In the recent past, Egypt recognized Israel in 1979, but it took another 15 years for Jordan to follow suit. A quarter-century later, the Gulf states re-engaged with the issue. This time, however, the process accelerated due to Trump’s proposals, which prompted these countries to deprioritize the fate of Palestine.
For instance, in July 2020, after Israel agreed to temporarily suspend its plan to annex parts of the West Bank, the United Arab Emirates entered talks on normalizing relations. At first, this move was justified as a step toward influencing Israel on behalf of the Palestinians. However, it later emerged that the United States had offered to sell 50 F-35 fighter jets to the UAE as part of the agreement. Thus, the UAE accepted the deal, finalizing it on the South Lawn of the White House. While UAE officials argued that normalizing relations with Israel would serve Palestinian interests, many observers believed the Palestinian cause would be sidelined. Ultimately, that is what happened. Trump had no difficulty convincing Morocco and Sudan, either. In exchange for Morocco joining the Abraham Accords and recognizing Israel, the United States recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara—something no other country had done. Meanwhile, Sudan was removed from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism and had its sanctions lifted.
The “Abraham Accords” are not just about recognition
In the years following the signing of the “Abraham Accords”, numerous trade and security agreements were implemented. Reports indicate that Israel and the UAE carried out more than $500 million in trade within the first year of normalized relations. Cultural exchanges also took place, including an influx of Israeli tourists to the UAE. However, Emirati citizens were less inclined to travel to Israel, and public support for the accords has declined in recent years. This decline is partly due to Israel’s intensifying actions in the West Bank, which have reached their most destructive level in decades. Still, even after the large-scale Israeli assault on Gaza in October 2023, the “Abraham Accords” remained intact. None of the Arab countries that signed the agreements have seriously considered withdrawing or demanding changes. They have not used the platform as leverage to halt the violence in Gaza.
This reveals that the “Abraham Accords” are not limited to diplomatic recognition. The agreements encompass deep economic and trade ties, cultural and educational exchange, security cooperation, and joint technological development. They also involve tourism and people-to-people connections. Moreover, there is potential for cooperation in underdeveloped sectors such as agriculture, renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and healthcare. The accords also encourage collaboration on environmental issues, including water scarcity and climate change. Technology is expected to play a crucial role in deepening relations. From this perspective, the efforts by Israel and the United States to expand the “Abraham Accords” beyond the Middle East may not be viewed solely as symbolic or political achievements but as practical outcomes with lasting impact. For this reason, many observers believe that Turkish-speaking countries in Central Asia may be next in line. Reports of such efforts have been circulating for several months.
Will Uzbekistan join the "Abraham Accords"?
In March of this year, it was reported that a group of American rabbis urged Donald Trump, the main architect of the “Abraham Accords”, to include Turkic-speaking countries in the platform. According to reports, more than 50 rabbis sent a formal request to the U.S. President, asking for the inclusion of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan in the agreements. A few months later, in late June, amid the final stages of the conflict between Israel and Iran, Trump’s special representative, Steve Witkoff, stated that a major announcement regarding new member countries would be made soon, signaling the expansion of the Abraham Accords.
Just days ago, Reuters reported that the Trump administration is actively discussing the possibility of including Azerbaijan and several Central Asian countries in the accords. It was noted that formal inclusion would be largely symbolic, aimed at strengthening ties in areas such as trade and military cooperation, since these countries have already recognized Israel and maintain active diplomatic relations with it. However, the high death toll in Gaza and the worsening humanitarian crisis caused by blocked aid have heightened anger in the Arab world, making it increasingly difficult to persuade more Arab states to join the agreement.
One critical point must be emphasized: 28 countries still do not recognize Israel. These include 15 members of the Arab League, 10 non-Arab members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and several other states such as Cuba, North Korea, and Venezuela. Even Israel’s immediate neighbors, Syria and Lebanon, have yet to formally recognize the country. Other Middle Eastern states—such as Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Yemen, and Qatar—also do not consider Israel a legitimate state. Despite being recognized by 164 countries worldwide, Israel’s lack of recognition from many of its neighbors remains a significant diplomatic hurdle.
Given these challenges, expanding the accords beyond the Middle East has become a strategic priority. In March, Steve Witkoff visited Baku and met with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev. According to reports, Azerbaijani officials reached out to their Central Asian counterparts—particularly in Kazakhstan—to gauge interest in joining the agreement. However, it remains unclear which countries were directly involved in these discussions. The U.S. State Department confirmed that expanding the Abraham Accords remains one of Trump’s primary foreign policy goals, but did not disclose specific details.
According to Reuters, neither the Azerbaijani government, the White House, the Israeli Foreign Ministry, nor the Kazakh Embassy in Washington commented on the issue. In response to these reports, QALAMPIR.UZ contacted the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uzbekistan. Ministry spokesperson Ahror Burkhanov stated that no official appeal or request regarding Uzbekistan's participation in the “Abraham Accords” had been received.
Text of the “Abraham Accords” declaration:
“We, the undersigned, recognize the importance of maintaining and strengthening peace in the Middle East and throughout the world, based on mutual understanding and coexistence, as well as respect for human dignity and freedom, including religious freedom.
We encourage efforts to promote interfaith and intercultural dialogue in order to develop a culture of peace among the three Abrahamic religions and all humanity.
We believe that cooperation and dialogue are the best ways to solve problems, and that the development of friendly relations among States is in the interest of lasting peace in the Middle East and around the world.
We strive for tolerance and respect for all people, to make this world a place where everyone, regardless of race, creed, or nationality, can live a life of dignity and hope.
We will use science, art, medicine, and commerce to inspire humanity, enhance human potential, and bring people closer together.
We strive to end radicalization and conflict to ensure a better future for all children.
We aim for peace, security, and prosperity in the Middle East and across the globe.
In this spirit, we warmly welcome and encourage the progress made in establishing diplomatic relations between Israel and its regional neighbors, based on the principles of the Abraham Accords.
We are encouraged by ongoing efforts to strengthen and expand such friendly relations, built on shared interests and a common vision for a better future.”
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