Russia continues forcing Uzbeks into the conflict — Don’t Go to Russia 6

Since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine, the global political landscape has undergone unprecedented changes. The balance of power has shattered its old shell. Over the past 25 years the Kremlin’s prestige has been eroded, and its influence across the post‑Soviet space has weakened. In short, many things have changed. But one thing remains the same: Russia’s state policy toward labor migrants. Moscow’s approach to migrant workers — treating them as a source of revenue rather than as human beings who contribute to both their own finances and the Russian labor market — has not changed. Indeed, the situation has reached its ugliest extreme, exposing Russia’s basic inhumanity toward foreign workers.

This problem has become particularly odious when it involves recruiting foreign citizens, including those from allied countries, directly into the invasion. Such actions violate not only human rights but also show contempt for those states — treating them as worthless and unequal. For the aggressor, this is business as usual; these illegal and inhumane practices suit its purposes. But forcibly sending citizens of another country to war is utterly unacceptable, especially when that country is supposed to be an ally. Is that what alliance means?

That aside, today we focus on the next episode of QALAMPIR.UZ’s series “Don’t Go to Russia.” In a few minutes we will cover the painful reality that has already affected many: people who were either coerced or lured into participating in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. We will report on the growing number of Uzbeks appearing on Putin and his cohorts’ bloody lunch menu.

Uzbeks at the forefront of the invasion

It has become clear that Uzbeks are among those recruited from abroad who are playing a leading role in Putin’s merciless campaign in Ukraine. In fact, this disturbing “anti‑record” connected to Uzbekistan was already apparent earlier this summer. These alarming figures have surprised many since the beginning of the year. Many are already familiar with the project “Khochu zhit” (“I Want to Live”), which began operating in Ukraine with support from the Ukrainian Defense Ministry and the Main Intelligence Directorate. The project compiles lists of foreign citizens recruited by Russia who were killed or went missing during the invasion and collects information about them. Since April of this year, the project’s quarterly releases have drawn significant attention within Uzbek social media circles.

Initially, at the end of April this year, “I Want to Live” published the names of 1,110 Uzbek citizens who had reportedly signed contracts with Russian invading forces to take part in the invasion of Ukraine. The project noted that its list included only citizens and that the total would be higher if ethnic Uzbeks were also counted — estimating the number could reach several thousand. The April release recorded at least 109 deaths; in many cases the youngest victims were not even 21. Many hired recruits reportedly died within the first days after signing their contracts. The project added that Russia’s recruitment mechanism for Uzbeks closely resembled tactics used in Tajikistan, claiming recruits from Central Asia were pressured into signing contracts through raids and deportation threats. The Ukraine‑based initiative alleged that Uzbek authorities were not punishing those who returned from the invasion in accordance with national law, and it called for this practice to stop. It also urged official Tashkent to act to prevent these activities and to assist Kiev.

“Although the Uzbek government called on its citizens not to join foreign armed forces from the beginning of Russia’s large‑scale invasion of Ukraine, the state’s policy toward mercenary fighters raises many questions. Under local law, mercenary activity is a crime punishable by five to ten years in prison. Since 2023, local courts have issued several sentences against people who joined Russian forces, but most received suspended sentences or restrictions on freedom, even when they admitted killing dozens of Ukrainians. Despite clear evidence of Kremlin influence over recruitment in Uzbekistan, we call on the government of the Republic of Uzbekistan to stop the criminal practices and to help halt them,” the project statement said.

Soon after, the Foreign Ministry’s press service informed local media that the lists published by “I Want to Live” are being reviewed by the relevant agencies and that measures would be taken.

Second list

The Foreign Ministry and Uzbekistan’s diplomatic missions in Russia have consistently warned citizens that participating in another country’s military actions entails criminal liability. Yet there have been no reports of Russian authorities protesting the public recruitment campaigns in Uzbek language conducted openly in Russian public spaces, on public transport, or in metro stations. Possibly for this reason, in July this year the “I Want to Live” project published another list including nearly a thousand more Uzbeks. The mid‑summer list named 902 Uzbek citizens who allegedly signed contracts with the Russian Armed Forces to participate in the invasion. That release claimed Russia continued to lure migrants with offers of high wages for work in construction or rear positions in the army, only to send them later to the front.

However, this announcement emphasized that recruitment was not always voluntary and often occurred under pressure from Russian authorities. The project reported that people serving sentences in Russian prisons were being forced into military service under threats and psychological pressure. It also documented cases where migrants were coerced into signing contracts through blackmail. You may recall that earlier the head of the Russian Investigative Committee, Alexander Bastrykin, boasted that more than 5,000 raids had been conducted, 90,000 people “detained,” and 30,000 had signed contracts and been sent to the war. The July release noted that, to date, citizens of 33 countries had been captured in the invasion, and most tragically, the largest number of them were citizens of Uzbekistan.

Third list

Until recently, lists published by “I Want to Live” suggested Uzbeks had joined voluntarily in exchange for Russian citizenship, housing, or modest payment. But recent events and verified facts have dramatically changed that perception. Evidence increasingly shows that many defenseless migrant workers were forced into service through coercion, blackmail, false accusations, and arrests. The publication “Vёrstka” earlier reported that forced contract signings were taking place through these coercive methods. Social media quickly filled with footage and stories of young Uzbek men who were taken to the front against their will and later returned dead. QALAMPIR.UZ also released several video reports on the topic.

Tragically, the cases we reported remain unresolved. A 23‑year‑old man from Surkhandarya is still one step from the front line. His mother has not stopped appealing for help. Clearly, there are many young men who need assistance. At the end of October, “I Want to Live” published a new list — this time naming only Uzbek citizens who had been killed or gone missing. The list included 481 names. The project noted that the real number of dead and missing could be several times higher and that Uzbekistan still leads the world in the number of foreign mercenaries serving in Russian forces. They warned these people continue to be “food” for Putin’s invasion.

“We know the names of at least 2,715 Uzbek citizens who have fought or are fighting against Ukraine, and their number is increasing year by year. In 2023, 498 Uzbeks signed contracts; in 2024 another 941 signed. In the first six months of 2025, nearly 1,300 Uzbek citizens went to fight with the Russian Armed Forces. Please note these figures represent only those cases for which we have reliable information,” the project statement said.

Ranked lists

The lists published by “I Want to Live” show that most Uzbeks hold junior military ranks such as private and corporal. Worryingly, some have even achieved the rank of junior lieutenant. Yet the most alarming aspect is that the lists include young men born in 2006 — only 18 or 19 years old. Those just entering adulthood and forming their identities are now appearing on these lists. The 2006 birth year appears in the July and October lists.

Is it too late?

It is no longer a secret that many Uzbek migrant workers in Russia are being coerced into participating in Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. What measures are being taken in response? Are serious negotiations underway with Russia to repatriate them, or is the issue being ignored? These questions remain unanswered. Cases of voluntary enlistment were easier to handle: if they returned alive, courts awaited them. But what about those who were abducted, accused of carrying illegal substances they did not know about, threatened with ten‑year prison sentences, and then forced to sign contracts? How will such cases be resolved? These questions remain open. Worst of all, repatriating them may already be too late.

According to recent data, by 2025 some 1.8 million Uzbeks had entered Russia, most of them for work. In such large numbers, Uzbek migrants remain easy prey for recruitment. It is painful to see them become the softest targets on Putin’s bloody menu. For this reason, traveling to a country engaged in a foreign aggression today may be one of the worst decisions someone can make. With that, we conclude the latest episode of the series titled “Don’t Go to Russia.”