Black prince covers himself in time: Pakistan and Saudi Arabia pledge mutual defense

It has been more than ten days since Israel’s strike on Qatar, and much has changed since then. The extraordinary Arab-Islamic summit in Doha, convened specifically to discuss that attack, produced numerous proposals aimed at preventing external threats and countering Israel. While the summit’s outcome was limited to condemning the Jewish state’s acts of aggression, it nevertheless laid the foundation for the first real step toward unity, one that signals a strong and serious partnership. Now, Israel is no longer the only nuclear-capable power at the center of the game. Pakistan has aligned itself with Saudi Arabia’s defense. The Middle East stands on the brink of major change.

The Black Prince moves to shield himself in time

At the Doha summit, the most serious proposals came from two leaders: Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. As you may recall, Anwar Ibrahim, addressing those who had come merely to condemn Israel and issue empty statements, declared: ’’Condemnations will not stop the rockets.’’ He urged the participants to impose tough sanctions against the Jewish state.

Sharif, however, spoke of an even harsher measure, proposing the creation of an Arab-Islamic operational group to counter Tel Aviv’s expansionist policy. This was no trivial matter. At first, his call did not seem to be taken too seriously. Yet although the operational group Sharif suggested has not been formed, a far more significant and high-profile cooperation has begun among Arab and Islamic states: a strategic defense pact between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.

Upon returning from Doha, the Pakistani Prime Minister immediately set off for Riyadh within 24 hours. On September 17, he met with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud and signed a strategic defense agreement stipulating mutual assistance in the event of an attack on either country. The essence of the pact is clear: aggression against one will be treated as aggression against both, and the parties will not limit themselves to verbal support but provide concrete, practical assistance.

’’The historic strategic defense agreement, which marks a new era of bilateral cooperation and unity between the two brotherly nations, stipulates that any aggression against one state will be regarded as aggression against both peoples. This pact strengthens strategic cooperation between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the fields of defense and security, while also deepening collaboration in military affairs, intelligence sharing, and regional stability,’’ the official version of the document stated.

This historic turning point in relations between Shehbaz Sharif and the Black Prince was discussed at the Al-Yamamah Palace in Riyadh. Sharif was accompanied by Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar, Defense Minister Khawaja Asif, and Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb.

Of course, the signing of such an impactful agreement between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia did not happen spontaneously. Islamabad and Riyadh have long cooperated in the fields of economy and defense. Saudi Arabia was among the first states to recognize Pakistan after it gained independence in August 1947. In 1951, the two countries signed the ’’Treaty of Friendship,’’ laying the foundation for strategic, political, military, and economic cooperation. Over the following decades, Pakistani troops were deployed to Saudi Arabia on several occasions, while Saudi military personnel were trained in Pakistan. According to official data, more than 8,000 Saudis have been trained in Pakistan since 1967. The 1982 agreement further reinforced this partnership, ensuring the provision of military training for the Saudi armed forces by Pakistan.

Still not late

The agreement was signed at a time when the geopolitical situation in the Middle East is undergoing sharp changes. Israel’s war in Gaza and its strikes on neighboring countries have alarmed many Gulf states. Although Washington remains Israel’s closest ally, Arab countries in the region had long relied on US security guarantees. Today, however, it is precisely the Israeli factor that has severed those bonds of trust. The Qatari capital, Doha, stands as proof that the United States makes its choices in the Israel–Arab divide without hesitation. Whether it is about securing $3 trillion in investments or stationing American military bases in the region, it makes little difference; the elite under the grip of the Jewish lobby has once again placed Israel above even the United States itself.

This agreement emerged at a critical moment. Over the past two years, regional politics have been fundamentally reshaped by what many see as Israeli aggression. For Israel, borders have all but ceased to exist. Its most recent target, Doha, is not far from the Saudi frontier. That is why the ’’black prince’’ seemingly wasted no time and signed an agreement with a nuclear power to jointly counter military aggression.

At the same time, Pakistan also views this agreement primarily through the lens of its own national interests. The strategic military partnership with Saudi Arabia comes in the wake of the brief border clash with India in May. For this reason, the deal is regarded in Islamabad as a historic turning point. Throughout its history, Pakistan has engaged in large-scale military cooperation with powerful states, notably the former Soviet Union and, more recently, China. Yet, it has never had a formal defense pact comparable to the one signed with Saudi Arabia. Still, despite the strengthening of bilateral ties, many observers do not expect Pakistan to participate directly in Saudi-led wars. According to these assessments, Islamabad would likely confine its role to providing military and financial assistance in the event of external aggression against Saudi Arabia, rather than deploying troops. Some suggest Riyadh may take a similar stance, though that remains unclear for now. In any case, the agreement marks a significant milestone in the nearly eight decades of close cooperation between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia.

What does India say?

India’s Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson, Randhir Jaiswal, was quick to respond to the agreement between Riyadh and Islamabad. He stated that India is carefully studying the deal, its potential impact, and its consequences. Analysts, however, believe that Saudi Arabia will seek to balance its relations with both Pakistan and India. While Riyadh continues to provide financial assistance to economically struggling Pakistan, it has simultaneously been strengthening its ties with India. For instance, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Saudi Arabia in April this year, his third trip there in the past decade. For this reason, the Saudi royal family may call on Pakistan to avoid confrontation with India, as such a scenario would hardly be welcomed in Riyadh. 

However, Saudi Arabia values this close relationship with Pakistan regardless. Riyadh has long shown interest in acquiring civilian nuclear technology to reduce its dependence on fossil fuels. In January of this year, Saudi Energy Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman Al Saud reiterated that Riyadh is ready to enrich and sell uranium, a key component for nuclear programs. At the same time, Saudi officials have repeatedly insisted that these moves are not aimed at developing nuclear weapons.

In his 2024 book War, American journalist Bob Woodward recounts an exchange in which Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reportedly told US Senator Lindsey Graham that Riyadh intended to enrich uranium strictly for peaceful energy purposes. When Graham expressed concern about the possibility of a bomb, the crown prince allegedly replied:

’’I don’t need uranium to build a bomb. I can just buy one from Pakistan.’’

Yes, the situation is indeed taking such a turn. Pakistan entered into this agreement within the framework of its own interests, while Saudi Arabia did so from the perspective of its national objectives. However, this shift could well serve as the foundation for a new order in the Middle East. At the same time, there are still certain ambiguities regarding the scope of the agreement. For instance, the issue surrounding nuclear weapons raises many questions. Until now, Pakistan has never undertaken an obligation in its defense agreements to provide a “nuclear umbrella” for any state. Experts, meanwhile, stress that its nuclear arsenal has been directed primarily against India and has continued to function solely for its own defense. With Saudi Arabia, too, it is highly likely that the same approach will prevail.

Nevertheless, the very fact that the pact envisions any external attack on either state being regarded as a common threat, with corresponding measures to be taken, is a significant achievement under current circumstances. Whether it concerns India or a potential strike from Israel makes little difference.

Moreover, Pakistan’s unwillingness to remain silent in the face of Israeli aggression was clearly demonstrated during last summer’s attack on Iran. On that occasion, Islamabad’s sharp statements triggered a diplomatic row between the two sides. The threats went so far that both official and unofficial circles in Israel pointed to Pakistan and its nuclear arsenal as the next potential target.

Thus, the Netanyahu regime’s aggression against Middle Eastern states has not gone unanswered. The current Israeli government is gradually reaping the consequences of its actions. The modern world has witnessed unparalleled atrocities: massacres the likes of which no one has seen before, women, children, and the elderly dying of hunger, bullets fired at infants just beginning to take in their surroundings, hospitals and shelters where the wounded are kept and treated being bombed, and humanitarian convoys, laden with desperate people seeking food, being deliberately killed. Such inhumane acts will not simply fade away into the margins of history.

In time, we may see the perpetrators brought before tribunals, but until then, it will be interesting to observe what unfolds. The processes leading to that point already seem to be taking shape. Arab monarchies, in the wake of the attack on Doha, have begun to see America’s true face with clarity and are drawing their own conclusions. The rules of the game in the Middle East are now changing. Interestingly, Washington appears to be left on the sidelines of these transformations. Whether it remains so will depend on the political will of leaders who resemble the region’s ’’black prince.’’